discussed. A uniform account of Turkish facts are given within an approach unifying the
claims in Miyagawa (1999) and Pesetsky and Torrego (2000). The presence/absence of
subject/object asymmetry in subordinate clauses in Turkish (non-finite, finite and finite ECM)
are accounted by feature driven phrasal movement, T-to-C, and DPs whose case feature are
deleted by the end of the phase and are thus inactive for external syntactic operations.