Dogging–the practice of mixed-gender cruising in public spaces in or around motor vehicles–reflects a modern evolution of the historic ‘lovers’ lane’, together with a recontextualization of the phenomenon of swinging. In contrast to the exclusively male constructions of cottaging/tearooms (sex in public toilets) or cruising (sex in open spaces), dogging encompasses women and involves heterosexual and bisexual behaviour. It can encompass a range of activities, including: exhibiting oneself, observing an individual or couple exhibiting, and sexual acts typically revolving around a male/female couple and other participators. It is a phenomenon that has spawned erotic literature (Abby 2005; Davies 2008) and pornography, and garnered considerable media coverage (Hennelly 2010). Much of this coverage has cast dogging as a successfully exported quaint English activity (Sax 2008). In 2010, the New York Times reported on complaints from the residents of one Surrey village that had apparently become increasingly attractive to ‘out-oftowners’, not for its better-known picturesque scenery but for providing the location of a particularly active dogging ground. One resident told the newspaper how she had found a pink vibrator in bushes near the dogging location.‘I gave it to the police’, she said.‘They said,“What should we do with it?” I said,“Put it in Lost Property”’(Lyall 2010). This stoical pragmatism is perhaps untypical of the challenges faced by the police in responding to public concern, enforcing the criminal law, and responding with some degree of sensitivity to consensual activity, albeit in a public place. As this chapter will explore, in a legal area best characterized as ‘grey’, the police must balance a range of competing agendas and demands when ‘policing sex’.