The extent to which governments should permit, tolerate, or prohibit the supply and demand of prostitution has constantly been a matter of social and political controversy. Debates are typically shaped by value conflicts that are not only related to the question of whether prostitution should be viewed as sinful, immoral behaviour or not, but also to conflicting views on the extent to which prostitution affects gender equality and undermines the rights and position of women in a society. Prostitution can hence be classified as manifest morality policy, notwithstanding the fact that prostitution is a commercial activity with enormous economic turnovers. A technologically mobile population now purchases and sells sexual services in various places (on the street and in flats, saunas, and clubs) and through different mediums (mobile phone and Internet)(Wagenaar et al. 2013: 17). Recent estimates from Germany indicate that the sector is economically very profitable, producing an annual turnover of about 12.5 billion Euros (BFSFJ 2012: 52). As a result, Germany has been called ‘Europe’s biggest brothel’. In addition to the economic impact, new patterns of migration and growing levels of human trafficking have changed domestic prostitution markets (Skilbrei and Holmström 2011). At the same time, societal and political reform demands to change the regulation of prostitution reflect a highly pluralistic pattern. Reform impulses are generally highly diverse and ambiguous, indicating no clear and consistent direction towards more permissive or more authoritarian styles of regulation. While social value change should entail a push towards more permissive approaches, given the stronger emphasis placed on individual freedom and sexual liberty, representatives of the Catholic Church still argue that sexual intercourse outside a stable relationship and without the purpose of reproduction