While social stratification researchers have long been interested in studying “the degree of openness of the system of social inequality”(Blossfeld 2009: 514), most social stratification literature focuses on the mobility mechanisms that link individuals to jobs (Grusky 2014). Yet, examining the link between social class and job mobility is only one way to measure the openness of societies (Blossfeld 2009). Another important way to measure the openness of societies is to study the patterns of who marries whom (Blossfeld 2009; Mare 1991). This is because marriage creates intimate ties between partners as well as among families and social groups (Blossfeld 2009; Mare 1991). Thus, assortative mating may contribute to social reproduction, as it weaves people into certain textures of family culture, shapes the quality of parents, and affects the distribution of resources across families (Blossfeld 2009; Oppenheimer 1988; Schwartz 2013). Among other factors, education has been suggested as a key determinant of marriage in many contemporary industrialized societies not only because it is closely related to occupational status and financial resources but also because it reflects cultural resources that shape “individuals' preferences for specific partners”(Blossfeld 2009: 514). Therefore, educational assortative mating suggests that the degree of social inequality can be further enhanced through marriage, as advantageous (or disadvantageous) economic and sociocultural resources of two individuals are pooled and accumulated into one household (Blossfeld 2009; Oppenheimer 1988). Accordingly, most