I show that speaker bias in polarity focus questions (PFQs) is context sensitive, while
speaker bias in high negation questions (HNQs) is context insensitive. This leads me to …

Although the following polar question forms raise the same issue, the positive question Is
Jane coming?, the low negation question Is Jane not coming?, and the high negation …

High negation questions—questions like “Isn't it nice out?”—necessarily convey that the
speaker is epistemically biased, ie, the speaker has a prior belief about the correct answer to …

Abstract English polarity reversal questions (PRQs, eg'Gertrude mowed the lawn, didn't
she?') comprise individual biased questions despite the fact they consist of two apparently …

In a nutshell (✗?): 1. S asks the HNQ “Didn't Mo eat?” 2. If S were ignorant of whether or not
Mo ate, the PPQ “Did Mo eat?” would have been better at resolving S's ignorance (because …

Work by Sudo (2013) and Gyuris (2017) has shown that the bias of polar interrogatives
varies both cross-linguistically as well as-in languages that possess more than one …

This article describes the resources employed by speakers of Yurakaré (isolate, Bolivia) for
formulating and responding to requests for confirmation (RfCs). In Yurakaré, RfC turns are …

The semantics and pragmatics of polar questions remain undertheorized. Standard
proposition-set accounts (Hamblin, 1976; Groenendijk and Stokhof, 1984), which take …

This paper investigates a class of biased questions with declarative syntax in Swedish and
German that differ in their bias from the familiar class of declarative questions: rejecting …

We explore the contextual appropriateness conditions of yes-no questions in Russian,
focusing on negative questions with the particles razve and neuželi, in comparison to …